by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .

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The conatus of capital took two heterogenous forms. What tax could replace bank separation, closure of some markets, a ban on securitisation?

Piketty is unable to see that they are ad hoc and recent inventions. End of the World? Spinoza and Marx on Desire amongst many other works. The lordln sold Piketty as the new Marx, but did not mention his background. Those who claim to be serious and are keen to maintain their influence and their reputation in the media never mention such things. He is ill equipped to tell this story.

The eventual outcome was of course the BNP—Paribas merger, creating the mega-bank whose closed windows in August signalled the start of the financial crisis. In the 90s, teaching rfederic Sciences Po and then researching at the CNRS, he turned his attention to economic-policy formation.

For that is the whole point of the left.

Why Piketty isn’t Marx, by Frédéric Lordon (Le Monde diplomatique – English edition, May )

It was conducted in martial terms, through strategies of conquest and predation, far from the neo-classical tranquillity of profit-optimization. Don’t have an account? Globalised solutions In line with its own unvoiced assumptions, orthodoxy requires a solution in the style of Jacques Attali first president of the European Bank: This page was last edited on 13 Decemberat The market response was a violent plunge in bank shares, upon which CECEI reversed its position, to crowing from the financial press.


Structures et affects des corps politiquesLordon attempts to give that strategy a political-philosophical basis. This intellectual centaur—empirical inquiry wedded to seventeenth-century philosophy—is less bizarre than it might at first seem. Edited by Daniel LevyMax Penskyet al. On a French television show in February, he refused to say whether he was a leftwing or a rightwing economist. But its principal virtue lies in the fact that it is a book.

One thing is for sure: This is why, in frederiv absence of any significant opposition, capital is concerned only with asserting control over society.

Lordon seems to suggest that, while the local is not outside the scope of work and alienation and therefore the material production of life, it certainly has the power to counter master-desire and the phenomenon of co-linearization.

A Structuralism of Feeling? Alberto Toscano on Frédéric Lordon

The rollback agenda of US conservatives in the s explicitly expressed the intention of reversing social advances. They must be reminded of the true sense of the whole expression — that capital destroys as much as it creates, and always builds on its own ruins. In his latest book, Imperium: The media, controlled by their shareholders, did not misjudge Piketty.

In short, to be leftwing means to refuse to give in to this chronic blackmail, to reform the fredegic that make it possible and give capital its hold over society. Capital is riddled lorxon them; Piketty skips over the political and social history that led to Fordism, then to neoliberalism.

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These conditions would be nothing out of the ordinary. This definition of left is a fairly broad one, since it does not make any prior assumptions as to how to deal with capitalism itself and invites a debate on its overthrow.

Frédéric Lordon – Wikipedia

But it is still pressing its advantage — with unprecedented support in France from the Socialist Party, which seems to have decided to hand it everything on a platter. Lordon interviewed some of the main players in autumnwhen the wounds were still raw, and incorporated his findings in La Politique du capitalpublished by Odile Jacob: Crederic Read Edit View history.

Only academics, unconscious of their odd position in society, could overlook the concrete conditions required for concrete action to the extent they do. Frsderic advances are always institutional conquests. Conversely, they are in danger whenever the formation of a common opposite affect causes people to lordkn with the institution rules.

In Praise of Disobedience. The same goes for those in work, who suffer under the tyrannical demands of productivity and profitability, constant threats of mass layoffs, delocalisation, restructuring — the energy-sapping precariousness and brutal nature of employment.